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Opening Remarks by Secretary of State-Designate Dr. Condoleezza Rice
Posted on Jan 19, 2005
Dr. Condoleezza Rice
Prepared Statement at Confirmation Hearing Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Washington, DC
January 18, 2005
SECRETARY-DESIGNATE RICE: Thank you Chairman Lugar, Senator Biden, and Members
of the Committee. And let me also thank Senator Dianne Feinstein who, as a
fellow Californian, I have long admired as a leader on behalf of our state and
our nation.
Mr. Chairman, members of the Committee, it is an honor to be nominated to lead
the State Department at this critical time - a time of challenge and hope and
opportunity for America, and for the entire world.
September 11th, 2001 was a defining moment for our nation and the world. Under
the vision and leadership of President Bush, our nation has risen to meet the
challenges of our time: fighting tyranny and terror, and securing the blessings
of freedom and prosperity for a new generation. The work that America and our
allies have undertaken, and the sacrifices we have made, have been difficult -
and necessary - and right. Now is the time to build on these achievements - to
make the world safer, and to make the world more free. We must use American
diplomacy to help create a balance of power in the world that favors freedom.
And the time for diplomacy is now.
I am humbled by President Bush's confidence in me to undertake the great work
of leading American diplomacy at such a moment in history. If confirmed, I will
work with members of Congress, from both sides of the aisle, to build a strong
bipartisan consensus behind America's foreign policy. I will seek to strengthen
our alliances, to support our friends, and to make the world safer, and better.
I will enlist the great talents of the men and women of the State Department,
the Foreign and Civil Services and our Foreign Service Nationals. And if I am
confirmed, I will be especially honored to succeed a man I so admire - my
friend and mentor, Colin Powell.
Four years ago, Secretary Powell addressed this committee for the same purpose
I do now. Then as now, it was the same week that America celebrates the life
and legacy of Doctor Martin Luther King, Jr. It is a time to reflect on the
legacy of that great man, on the sacrifices he made, on the courage of the
people he led, and on the progress our nation has made in the decades since. I
am especially indebted to those who fought and sacrificed in the Civil Rights
movement so that I could be here today.
For me, this is a time to remember other heroes as well. I grew up in
Birmingham, Alabama - the old Birmingham of Bull Connor, church bombings, and
voter intimidation - the Birmingham where Dr. King was thrown in jail for
demonstrating without a permit. Yet there was another Birmingham, the city
where my parents - John and Angelena Rice - and their friends built a thriving
community in the midst of the most terrible segregation in the country. It
would have been so easy for them to give in to despair, and to send that
message of hopelessness to their children. But they refused to allow the limits
and injustices of their time to limit our horizons. My friends and I were
raised to believe that we could do or become anything -that the only limits to
our aspirations came from within. We were taught not to listen to those who
said to us, "No, you can't."
The story of Birmingham's parents and teachers and children is a story of the
triumph of universal values over adversity. And those values - a belief in
democracy, and liberty, and the dignity of every life, and the rights of every
individual - unite Americans of all backgrounds, all faiths, and all colors.
They provide us a common cause in all times, a rallying point in difficult
times, and a source of hope to men and women across the globe who cherish
freedom and work to advance freedom's cause. And in these extraordinary times,
it is the duty of all of us - legislators, diplomats, civil servants, and
citizens - to uphold and advance the values that are the core of the American
identity, and that have lifted the lives of millions around the world.
One of history's clearest lessons is that America is safer, and the world is
more secure, whenever and wherever freedom prevails. It is neither an accident
nor a coincidence that the greatest threats of the last century emerged from
totalitarian movements. Fascism and Communism differed in many ways, but they
shared an implacable hatred of freedom, a fanatical assurance that their way
was the only way, and a supreme confidence that history was on their side.
At certain moments, it almost seemed to be so. During the first half of the
20th century much of the democratic and economic progress of earlier decades
looked to be swept away by the march of ruthless ideologies armed with terrible
military and technological power. Even after the allied victory in World War
Two, many feared that Europe, and perhaps the world, would be forced to
permanently endure half enslaved and half free. The cause of freedom suffered a
series of major strategic setbacks: Communism imposed in Eastern Europe -
Soviet power dominant in East Germany - the coup in Czechoslovakia - the
victory of the Chinese Communists - the Soviet nuclear test five years before
we predicted - to name just a few. In those early years, the prospect of a
united democratic Germany and a democratic Japan seemed far-fetched.
Yet America and our allies were blessed with visionary leaders who did not lose
their way. They created the great NATO alliance to contain and eventually erode
Soviet power. They helped to establish the United Nations and created the
international legal framework for this and other institutions that have served
the world well for more than 50 years. They provided billions in aid to rebuild
Europe and much of Asia. They built an international economic system based on
free trade and free markets to spread prosperity to every corner of the globe.
And they confronted the ideology and propaganda of our enemies with a message
of hope, and with the truth. And in the end - though the end was long in coming
- their vision prevailed.
The challenges we face today are no less daunting. America and the free world
are once again engaged in a long-term struggle against an ideology of tyranny
and terror, and against hatred and hopelessness. And we must confront these
challenges with the same vision, courage and boldness of thought demonstrated
by our post-World War Two leaders.
In these momentous times, American diplomacy has three great tasks. First, we
will unite the community of democracies in building an international system
that is based on our shared values and the rule of law. Second, we will
strengthen the community of democracies to fight the threats to our common
security and alleviate the hopelessness that feeds terror. And third, we will
spread freedom and democracy throughout the globe. That is the mission that
President Bush has set for America in the world - and the great mission of
American diplomacy today.
Let me address each of the three tasks I just mentioned. Every nation that
benefits from living on the right side of the freedom divide has an obligation
to share freedom's blessings. Our first challenge, then, is to inspire the
American people, and the people of all free nations, to unite in common cause
to solve common problems. NATO - and the European Union - and our democratic
allies in East Asia and around the world will be our strongest partners in this
vital work. The United States will also continue to work to support and uphold
the system of international rules and treaties that allow us to take advantage
of our freedom, to build our economies, and to keep us safe and secure.
We must remain united in insisting that Iran and North Korea abandon their
nuclear weapons ambitions, and choose instead the path of peace. New forums
that emerge from the Broader Middle East and North Africa Initiative offer the
ideal venues to encourage economic, social and democratic reform in the Islamic
world. Implementing the Doha Development Agenda and reducing trade barriers
will create jobs and reduce poverty in dozens of nations. And by standing with
the free peoples of Iraq and Afghanistan, we will continue to bring hope to
millions, and democracy to a part of the world where it is sorely lacking.
As President Bush said in our National Security Strategy, America "is guided by
the conviction that no nation can build a safer, better world alone. Alliances
and multilateral institutions can multiply the strength of freedom-loving
nations." If I am confirmed, that core conviction will guide my actions. Yet
when judging a course of action, I will never forget that the true measure of
its worth is whether it is effective.
Our second great task is to strengthen the community of democracies, so that
all free nations are equal to the work before us. Free peoples everywhere are
heartened by the success of democracy around the globe. Together, we must build
on that success.
We face many challenges. In some parts of the world, an extremist few threaten
the very existence of political liberty. Disease and poverty have the potential
to destabilize whole nations and regions. Corruption can sap the foundations of
democracy. And some elected leaders have taken illiberal steps that, if not
corrected, could undermine hard-won democratic progress.
We must do all we can to ensure that nations which make the hard choices and do
the hard work to join the free world deliver on the high hopes of their
citizens for a better life. From the Philippines to Colombia to the nations of
Africa, we are strengthening counterterrorism cooperation with nations that
have the will to fight terror, but need help with the means. We are spending
billions to fight AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and other diseases, to alleviate
suffering for millions and help end public health crises. America has always
been generous in helping countries recover from natural disasters - and today
we are providing money and personnel to ease the suffering of millions
afflicted by the tsunami, and to help nations rebuild their infrastructure. We
are joining with developing nations to fight corruption, instill the rule of
law, and create a culture of transparency. In much of Africa and Latin America,
we face the twin challenges of helping to bolster democratic ideals and
institutions, and alleviating poverty. We will work with reformers in those
regions who are committed to increasing opportunity for their peoples. And we
will insist that leaders who are elected democratically have an obligation to
govern democratically.
Our third great task is to spread democracy and freedom throughout the world. I
spoke earlier of the grave setbacks to democracy in the first half of the 20th
century. The second half of the century saw an advance of democracy that was
far more dramatic. In the last quarter of that century, the number of
democracies in the world tripled. And in the last six months of this new
century alone, we have witnessed the peaceful, democratic transfer of power in
Malaysia - a majority Muslim nation - and in Indonesia - the country with the
world's largest Muslim population. We have seen men and women wait in line for
hours to vote in Afghanistan's first ever free and fair presidential election.
We - and I know you Mr. Chairman -- were heartened by the refusal of the people
of Ukraine to accept a flawed election, and their insistence that their
democratic will be honored. We have watched as the people of the Palestinian
Territories turned out to vote in an orderly and fair election. And soon the
people of Iraq will exercise their right to choose their leaders, and set the
course of their nation's future. No less than were the last decades of the 20th
century, the first decades of this new century can be an era of liberty. And we
in America must do everything we can to make it so.
To be sure, in our world there remain outposts of tyranny - and America stands
with oppressed people on every continent - in Cuba, and Burma, and North Korea,
and Iran, and Belarus, and Zimbabwe. The world should apply what Natan
Sharansky calls the "town square test": if a person cannot walk into the middle
of the town square and express his or her views without fear of arrest,
imprisonment, or physical harm, then that person is living in a fear society,
not a free society. We cannot rest until every person living in a "fear
society" has finally won their freedom.
In the Middle East, President Bush has broken with six decades of excusing and
accommodating the lack of freedom in the hope of purchasing stability at the
price of liberty. The stakes could not be higher. As long as the broader Middle
East remains a region of tyranny and despair and anger, it will produce
extremists and movements that threaten the safety of Americans and our friends.
But there are hopeful signs that freedom is on the march. Afghanistan and Iraq
are struggling to put dark and terrible pasts behind them and are choosing the
path of progress. Just months ago, Afghanistan held a free and fair election,
and chose a president who is committed to the success of democracy and to the
fight against terror. In Iraq, the people will soon take the next step in their
journey toward full, genuine democracy. All Iraqis, whatever their faith or
ethnicity - from Shias to Sunnis to Kurds - must build a common future
together. The election later this month will be an important first step as the
people of Iraq prepare to draft a constitution and hold the next round of
elections - elections that will create a permanent government.
The success of freedom in Afghanistan and Iraq will give strength and hope to
reformers throughout the region, and accelerate the pace of reforms already
underway. From Morocco to Jordan to Bahrain, we are seeing elections and new
protections for women and minorities, and the beginnings of political
pluralism. Political, civil, and business leaders have issued stirring calls
for political, economic and social change. Increasingly, the people are
speaking, and their message is clear: the future of the region is to live in
liberty.
And the establishment of a Palestinian democracy will help to bring an end to
the conflict in the Holy Land. Much has changed since June 24th, 2002, when
President Bush outlined a new approach for America in the quest for peace in
the Middle East, and spoke the truth about what will be required to end this
conflict. Now we have reached a moment of opportunity - and we must seize it.
We take great encouragement from the elections just held for a new Palestinian
leader. And Senators Biden and Sununu, I want to thank you for representing the
United States at these historic elections. America seeks justice and dignity
and a viable, independent, and democratic state for the Palestinian people. We
seek security and peace for the State of Israel. Israel must do its part to
improve the conditions under which Palestinians live and seek to build a better
future. Arab states must join to help-and deny any help or solace to those who
take the path of violence. I look forward to personally working with the
Palestinian and Israeli leaders, and bringing American diplomacy to bear on
this difficult but crucial issue. Peace can only come if all parties choose to
do the difficult work, and choose to meet their responsibilities. And the time
to choose peace is now.
Building a world of hope, prosperity and peace is difficult. As we move
forward, America's relations with the world's global powers will be critical.
In Russia, we see that the path to democracy is uneven and that its success is
not yet assured. Yet recent history shows that we can work closely with Russia
on common problems. And as we do so, we will continue to press the case for
democracy, and we will continue to make clear that the protection of democracy
in Russia is vital to the future of US-Russia relations. In Asia, we have moved
beyond the false assumption that it is impossible to have good relations with
all of Asia's powers. Our Asian alliances have never been stronger - and we
will use that strength to help secure the peace and prosperity of the region.
Japan, South Korea, and Australia are key partners in our efforts to deter
common threats and spur economic growth. We are building a candid, cooperative
and constructive relationship with China that embraces our common interests but
still recognizes our considerable differences about values. The United States
is cooperating with India, the world's largest democracy, across a range of
economic and security issues. This, even as we embrace Pakistan as a vital ally
in the war on terror, and a state in transition towards a more moderate and
democratic future. In our own neighborhood, we are cooperating closely with
Canada and Mexico, and working to realize the vision of a fully democratic
hemisphere, bound by common values and free trade.
We also must realize that America and all free nations are facing a
generational struggle against a new and deadly ideology of hatred that we
cannot ignore. We need to do much more to confront hateful propaganda, dispel
dangerous myths, and get out the truth. We will increase our exchanges with the
rest of the world. And Americans should make a serious effort to understand
other cultures and learn foreign languages. Our interaction with the rest of
the world must be a conversation, not a monologue. And America must remain open
to visitors and workers and students from around the world, without
compromising our security standards. If our public diplomacy efforts are to
succeed, we cannot close ourselves off from the world. And if I am confirmed,
public diplomacy will be a top priority for me and for the professionals I
lead.
In all that lies ahead, the primary instrument of American diplomacy will be
the Department of State, and the men and women of its Foreign and Civil
Services and Foreign Service Nationals. The time for diplomacy is now - and the
President and I will expect great things from America's diplomatic corps. We
know from experience how hard they work, the risks they and their families
take, and the hardships they endure. We will be asking even more of them, in
the service of their country, and of a great cause. They will need to develop
new skills, and rise to new challenges. This time of global transformation
calls for transformational diplomacy. More than ever, America's diplomats will
need to be active in spreading democracy, fighting terror, reducing poverty,
and doing our part to protect the American homeland. I will personally work to
ensure that America's diplomats have all the tools they need to do their jobs -
from training to budgets to mentoring to embassy security. I also intend to
strengthen the recruitment of new personnel, because American diplomacy needs
to constantly hire and develop top talent. And I will seek to further diversify
the State Department's workforce. This is not just a good cause; it is a
necessity. A great strength of our country is our diversity. And the signal
sent to the rest of the world when America is represented abroad by people of
all cultures, races, and religions is an unsurpassed statement about who we are
and what our values mean in practice.
Let me close with a personal recollection. I was in government in Washington in
1989 to 1991. I was the Soviet specialist in the White House at the end of the
Cold War. I was lucky to be there, and I knew it. I got to participate in the
liberation of Eastern Europe. I got to participate in the unification of
Germany and to see the Soviet Union collapse. It was a heady time for us all.
But, when I look back, I know that we were merely harvesting the good decisions
that had been made in 1947, in 1948, and in 1949, when Truman and Acheson and
Vandenberg and Kennan and so many wise and farsighted statesmen - in the
Executive and Legislative branches - recognized that we were not in a limited
engagement with communism, we were in the defining struggle of our times.
Democrats and Republicans united around a vision and policies that won the Cold
War. The road was not always smooth, but the basic unity of purpose and values
was there - and that unity was essential to our eventual success. No President,
and no Secretary of State, could have effectively protected American interests
in such momentous times without strong support from the Congress, and from this
Committee. And the same is true today. Our task, and our duty is to unite
around a vision and policies that will spread freedom and prosperity around the
globe. I have worked directly with many of you. And in this time of great
challenge and opportunity, America's co-equal branches of government must work
together to advance freedom and prosperity.
In the preface to his memoirs, published in 1969, Dean Acheson wrote of the
post-war period that "those who acted in this drama did not know, nor do any of
us yet know, the end." Senators, now we know - and many of us here bore witness
to that end. The end was a victory for freedom, the liberation of half a
continent, the passing of a despotic empire - and vindication for the wise and
brave decisions made at the beginning. It is my greatest hope - and my deepest
conviction - that the struggle we face today will some day end in a similar
triumph of the human spirit. And working together, we can make it so.
Thank you.
Released on January 18, 2005
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