China Doesn't Want to Be "Mr No" -- Problems of International Strategy for Today's China [Zhongguo Du Dang "Bu Xiansheng"] is one of ten book published thus far in the China’s Problems series by Jinri Zhongguo Chubanshe [Today’s China Publishing House]. The book was published February 1998 is a first printing of 50,000 copies. This is a very large first printing in China.
The book was written by Shen Jiru, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences World Economics and Politics Research Institute and member of the Board of Directors of the Chinese European Studies Association and the Chinese European Union Research Association. The foreword is by Liu Ji, Vice President of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
In this 400 page book Shen Ruji covers a wide range of the international political and economic problems China that confronts today. Shen examines how reform is changing China’s idea of the society it wants to become and its conceptions of the kind of relations it wants with other countries. As seems to be a trend these past few years, the canonical texts invoked to support the author’s theses seem to be more often drawn from the writings of Marx and Engels rather than from those of Lenin and Mao. Both Lenin and Mao are also invoked in the book, however. One useful approach to following the evolution of Chinese communist/socialist ideology is to consider what is missing or receives less emphasis than before. Innovations in ideology are not claimed by their orginators but rather credited to the wisdom of the ancients. A constant pattern in Chinese ideological innovation over the past several thousand years has been putting new wine in old bottles.
The Marx invoked throughout the book is the early Marx of the Communist Manifesto. Interestingly, this is a similar approach to that of some Western students of Marx who look for a more democratic Marxism tend to pay more attention to the early rather than the later writings of Karl Marx.
Shen opens the book with an examination of why the Soviet Union collapsed, a question which preoccupies more than a few Chinese communists at high levels. Why them and not us? What went wrong? What lessons can China draw from the collapse of the Soviet Union? Although much of the causes for Soviet collapse is familiar to Western readers, it is interesting to see what lessons are drawn from the perspective of a Chinese expert on international relations.
Shen’s answers these questions on pages 14 - 22 of the book.
Shen sees convergence between capitalism and Chinese-style socialism, see considerable social progress in capitalist societies (at one point (pp. 36 - 42) comparing Marx’s Communist Manifesto to the practice of western societies and finding much of Marx’s social program realized in the West. Shen believes that China for decades ignored great progress in capitalist societies in what he calls the social functions of the state including protection of worker rights, graduated income tax, and unemployment insurance.
In Shen’s discussion of “peaceful evolution?[heping yanbian] [pp. 42 - 46, also p. 225] which ideologists condemned until Deng clamped down on the ideologists in 1992. Shen sees peaceful evolution as natural, positive and indeed at work in the peaceful evolution towards more social progress in western developed capitalist societies. The history of this social development in advanced capitalist societies over the past century demonstrates that capitalist societies still have much room to make progress.
Shen wrote that there can be no forbidden areas in the search for truth. Shen added that for a long time Chinese have had been forbidden to discuss these ideas such as convergence of systems and the great improvements in the social aspects of capitalist societies over the past century by certain authorities on theory since they were seen as an attack on socialism.
[Note: the reference to theoretical authorities appears to be to Chinese communist party ideologist such as Deng Liqun. The March 1998 book in the China’s Problem’s Series “Confrontation: A True Account of the Three Periods of Ideological Liberation?[Jiaofeng: Sanci Sixiang Jiefang Shilu] an extended attack on ideologists who have hindered reform. The book has about 200 pages devoted to ideological opening during 1997. Communist Party ideologists in the early 1990s attacked the theory of some people in China and the plot of some Western countries that China would “evolve peacefully?into a capitalist society [heping yanbian. Shen in many places in his book refutes attacks on “peaceful evolution. ]
Shen writes (p. 42) “It is very regrettable that in the past some authorities on theory didn’t allow people to discuss new developments in contemporary capitalism. Even more strictly forbidden were efforts to explore the deep reasons for this progress. The reason for these restrictions is that it would nourish an evil capitalist wind, destroy the morale of socialist society and make people wish for capitalism. Therefore, for quite a long period, any discussions of the causes for progress of capitalist society were restricted to studies of the progress of capitalist societies in science and technology.
“If we do not acknowledge all the changes and progress in capitalism as a result of peaceful evolution (heping yanbian) how will we ever be able to accept our inheritance of the culture of all humanity as Deng Xiaoping taught us? If we do not acknowledge the changes and progress in capitalist society over the past century, that how will we be able to co-exist and cooperate with capitalism over the long term? The test of truth is the practice of the people of each country. No authority on theory has the right to establish a monopoly over the right to make judgments on what is true and what is false.?/P>
In discussions of corruption later on in the book, Shen makes an interesting reference to “peaceful evolution? Shen contrasts corrupt Chinese officials who use their power to steal public property and waste public money with the behavior of Robert McNamara who left the Defense Department with two suitcases and drove himself home or the former U.S. president who retired to his peanut farm. Shen asks “wouldn’t importing a bit of this kind of “peaceful evolution?be a good thing for China?[p. 225]
Shen calls China’s biggest problem not foreign affairs but confronting the parochialism and rigid hierarchies in Chinese society which vastly reduce efficiency in the economy and society. Shen calls this fengjian (often mis-translated as feudal -- it is not Western feudalism) a word Chinese leaders and intellectuals regularly use to characterize the closed nature of Chinese work units and their unwillingness to cooperate and share information.
Shen on p. 226 writes “the heart of the fengjian thinking is to destroy the independence and initiative of the individual. In fengjian thinking people are not treated as human beings but as slaves absolutely subservient to a leader. Most people become mere appendages or followers of the leader with no minds of their own. Over a long period of time these ideas permeated the psychology of the Chinese people. These ideas became part of their way of thinking and their values as they look at, think about and solve problems. But values such as independence, initiative, equality, competition and spirit of enterprise established during the formation of the market are directly and fundamentally opposed to the fengjian values of dependence, subservience, foolish loyalty and endurance of hardships.?One example of the consequences of this set of attitudes and behaviors (generally called “fengjian?in China) has been that the central government to get information about environmental problems and to see that environmental regulations are enforced. Shen makes a much broader point -- that this phenomenon is a serious one for Chinese society as a whole (pp. 222 - 227).]
Shen Jiru calls for China to involve itself as a full-fledged cooperative partner in world affairs working towards a world that is multi-polar [duojihua -- to become multi-polar -- is a key word in Chinese discussions of foreign policy] rather than dominated by one country (the USA). Shen sees the four emerging poles of world politics as the United States, the European Union, Russia, and China. (pp. 76 - 77) Shen examines and refutes the “conflict of cultures view?associated with Prof. Huntington (pp. 82 - 85) and traces a shift in American public and official opinion over the last two years away from looking at China as a threat to the U.S. or to the countries on the periphery of China. (pp. 85 - 94)
Shen sees China working together with the US to assure that US security interests are satisfied so that it will no longer need to hold onto its hegemonic position. Shen quotes with approval the recent Zbigniew Brzenski book “The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Geostrategic Imperatives ?(pp. 99 - 112) since Shen sees in that book an acknowledgement that America’s position as the only superpower will not last forever. [Shen also noted that the Brzenski book will be published in Chinese translation by the Shanghai People’s Publishing House] President Jiang Zemin’s visit to the United States in October 1997 opened a new stage in Sino-American relations (pp. 113 - 117). Shen also discusses recent developments and prospects for Chinese relations with Russia (strategic partnership), the European Union (a great economic power which is gradually emerging as an independent pole. Europeans are world leaders in social and macroeconomic organization, something which many Chinese who tend to look more to the U.S. than to Europe for advanced S&T do not realize. p. 125.)
China and Japan: friendly but with dark clouds in view such as the Diaoyutak/Senkakus islands dispute and the burden of history. Especially important in Shen’s view is the unwillingness of the Japanese (Shen contrasts the attitudes of Germany and Japan towards war guilt) to acknowledge crimes during World War II. In a chapter on U.N. reform, Shen argues that Japan should only get a Security Council seat if it admits to its W.W.II war crimes and suggests that the world must be very watchful lest Japanese militarism once again become a threat (pp. 146 - 154). Germany by contrast, has acknowledged and drawn lessons from the past, and deserves to be a place on the Security Council. Shen suggests a nine permanent member UN Security Council. Permanent members include two EU countries, Russia, U.S. and China with a veto. Non-veto permanent members include one EU country, African member, Latin American member, and Asian member. Germany, France and the UK would rotate through the veto and non-veto seats. (pp. 163 - 164)
Shen argues that international cooperation is win-win. Shen criticizes the Chinese media for playing up Chinese gains and ignoring Chinese concessions in international trade negotiations. This gives many Chinese people an unreasonable view of trade negotiations. They come to see it as a conflict in which national honor is involved. One-sided reporting re-enforces the impression of some people of trade negotiations as a kind of battle rather than a way in which conflicting interests are resolved by concessions by both sides. China by making reasonable compromises in international negotiations is not being insulted or being forced to accept a dishonorable result. (see pp. 383 - 401 the chapter on compromise in international relations; trade negotiations see esp. pp. 386 - 387) .
International economic cooperation requires much tighter international links than ever before. Accepting constraints is the price of being part of an international trading system. For example when the World Bank gave Thailand policy suggestions along with a US$ 1.6 billion loan to help it overcome its 1996 financial crisis, this was not intervention in Thailand’s internal affairs but assistance. China needs a great deal of capital for its development -- it needs to be sensitive to the operation of international capital markets (pp. 344 - 350). China needs to learn a lesson from the United States which became a world power “capable of totally obliterating all humanity?partially because it built an attractive environment and tolerant society which successfully absorbed top talent from all over the world. (p. 351)
Shen also devotes a chapter to the role China in the world economy and the formation of regional trading blocs. Shen advocates strengthening economic cooperation with the United States, Russia and the European Community while “neglecting?Japan. Geopolitics and not just economics must be considered in China’s trade relations. China needs to develop a wide range of trading partners so that it will not get too dependent on any one trading partner. (pp. 333 - 334) Involvement in Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) is especially important for China which gets 80 percent of its foreign investment and 75 percent of its foreign trade from the Asia-Pacific region (p. 254).
China needs to absorb new high tech from foreign countries. An example is the Czech passive radar aircraft detection system (TAMRA) from the HTT factory that can detect 71 targets simultaneously in a 500 kilometer radius including the U.S. F-117 stealth fighter. (p. 198). China needs two aircraft carriers, says Shen (pp. 197 - 202) but its does not need a military anywhere near the size of the U.S. military since China just needs to defend its own territory. Geopolitical strategists will appreciate the big chart on pp. 174 - 175 giving the geographical coordinates and occupation status of many of the major South China Sea islands which China claims along with the Philippines, Malaysia, and Vietnam.
There is a strong Marxist (perhaps one might say even not very Marxist-Leninist but the author doesn’t put it that way) running thread running through this book. As Confucius taught his disciples, we should try to understand the thread running through the whole. Marx and Engels are quoted time and again, and in particular a quote of Marx to the effect that if capitalism has not reached the limit of its development, the conditions for socialism are not yet ripe and that even if it does emerge, its victory can only be temporary. Here we have the response to one fundamental question about communism -- Why isn’t the World Communist Yet? . This Marxist thread running through “China Doesn’t Want to Be ‘Mr. No’”, like all good threads , is clear to see at the opening and the close of the book. (pp. 22 - 27 and 378 - 382]
The answer to this critical question is that capitalism has much more capacity to develop and improve than Marx anticipated. According to such authorities as Karl Marx and Liu Shaochi (a Chinese leader once reviled as China’s Khruschev, but seen in today’s China as a fallen hero) if capitalism has not matured to the stage where it can be replaced by socialism, the victory of socialism can only be temporary.
Liu Shaochi in the early days of the PRC used to quote Marx’s words “If the material conditions that necessarily result in the disappearance of the capitalist mode of production and with it the overthrow of the capitalist ruling class have not yet appeared in the historical process, but should happen despite this before history requires it, then the victory of the proletariat in overturning the rule of the capitalist class can only be temporary and indeed is only a byproduct of the capitalist revolution itself. ... Similarly, if the social and economic conditions favoring the assumption of power by the capitalist class are not yet mature, then the overthrow of the monarchy by the capitalist class can only be a temporary one.?[from Collected Works of Marx and Engels (Chinese edition) Vol. 1, p. 171] as quoted on p. 23 of the book. [see also pp. 22 - 27 and pp. 378 - 379] Near the very end of the book, another quote from Marx, this time from Volume 2 of the Collected Works makes the very same point. “Any type of social system that has not fully developed all its productive potential cannot disappear. Moreover, any system which embodies higher relations of production absolutely cannot appear until the material conditions which created it in embryonic state in the old society have matured to the point that the old can give birth to the new.?[from Collected Works of Marx and Engels, (Chinese edition) Vol. 2, p 83.
If Marx were to wake up today 114 years after he went to sleep in 1884, writes Shen, Marx most certainly would feel that it was too bad about the Soviet Union. If a journalist were to ask Marx about China’s cooperation with the capitalist companies, Karl Marx would remark that Lenin only had one capitalist friend -- Armand Hammer -- but China has dozens of friends among the big companies and banks of the capitalist world. If the journalist were to ask Marx about cooperation between socialist and capitalist countries, “Marx would certainly remark that cooperation and coexistence are to the advantage of both capitalism and socialism even if, upon occasion, there would be some peaceful evolution taking place that China didn’t particularly like. Marx would say that one thing he had never anticipated is that after sowing these seeds in the West, the only harvest was of fleas. But out of China in the East came a socialist dragon!?[pp. 380 - 381]
Shen explains “The Chinese Communist Party and Government are still working hard to improve relations with the developed capitalist countries on the basis of Deng Xiaoping’s theories. This is all in accordance with an understanding of the historical position of capitalism and is in perfect accord with the laws of the progress of human society found in the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin. I say to all those who resist opening and reform, I hope you throw away your yellowing books which dogmatize and petrify Marxism, take it out of context, and append erroneous theories to it. What you need to do is to study Marxism and Deng Xiaoping theory in the light of the rapid development of the world and of actual practice. Don’t be a flea, become a lively dragon!?[p. 381] In a footnote, Shen quotes Marxist’s famous retort to an overly rigid application of his ideas. Marx said “I am not a Marxist!?/P>
Shen reminds readers that Marx writing in the 1870s and Engels writing in the 1890s both believed that a peaceful transition from capitalism to socialism was possible. Why do some of the theoretical authorities of China want to make rules for the people of the future (and for the future people of other countries) and make the claim that armed struggle the distinction between true and false socialism? This kind of attitude, even aside from the fact that it will earn China the emnity of the Western countries, has nothing to recommend it at all. We have no right to set ourselves up as the judges of other countries. We must trust in the wisdom of the people of the future. [pp. 382]
“China Does Not Want to Be “Mr No?is a remarkable book that illustrates why some Chinese leaders and scholars call 1997, the year of the Fifteenth Congress of the Communist Party of China, the third year (after 1978 and 1992) of important opening of China to new ideas and freer thinking.